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UNODC offers practical help to States, not only helping to draft laws and create comprehensive national anti-trafficking strategies but also assisting with resources to implement them.
States receive specialized assistance including the development of local capacity and expertise, as well as practical tools to encourage cross-border cooperation in investigations and prosecutions. A vast majority of States have now signed and ratified the Protocol. But translating it into reality remains problematic. Very few criminals are convicted and most victims are probably never identified or assisted. For an overview of UNODC's work in the human trafficking field and the real-life complexities faced by people globally every day, please click on the following links:.
Prevention of trafficking in persons. Protection of victims of human trafficking. Prosecution of trafficking offenders. Having worked on these issues since the late s, UNODC has issued a comprehensive strategy setting out the complementary nature of UNODC's work in preventing and combating both human trafficking and migrant smuggling, and defining the immediate priorities for UNODC's future action and engagement on these crimes.
As the guardian of the Organized Crime Convention and its Protocols on Trafficking in Persons and Smuggling of Migrants, UNODC plays a leading role in strengthening and coordinating the criminal justice response to both human trafficking and smuggling of migrants.
UNODC's strategic approach to combating trafficking in persons and the smuggling of migrants is founded in the full and effective implementation of the Protocols, and can be best understood as having three interdependent and complementary components:. UNODC also produces research and issue papers on trafficking in persons and migrant smuggling and engages in both broad and targeted awareness-raising on these issues, notably through the Blue Heart Campaign against Human Trafficking.
UNODC's normative work on promoting the Protocols and capacity-building engages with Member States and working-level practitioners in providing legislative assistance, strategic planning and policy development, technical assistance for strengthened criminal justice responses, and protection and support to victims of trafficking in persons and smuggled migrants. To learn about Migrant Smuggling, click here. But K12 still relies on textbooks and pencil pouches.
Why have computing technologies failed to transform K12? Here are our 10 barriers to technology adoption. There is no shortage of excuses for not taking the time to look into the future. If something is considered important—surprise, surprise—school administrators find the money for that something. Technology must be considered important see barrier 1. Yes, there is no new money. So what are schools doing now that they need to stop doing in order to pay for the technology?
Barriers 4, 5, 6: When graphing calculators came into classrooms in the s, Texas Instruments was there with professionally generated curriculum materials. There is a lesson here! Teachers are not curriculum producers; teachers are, well, teachers. Where are the digitally based curriculum materials to come from? Thus, two contrasting attitudes emerged. One was distinctly Eurocentric and identified the causes of Oriental "otherness" in negative terms.
The other identified the Orient as a positive alternative model, not just different to, but in many ways better than, contemporary Europe. During the late 18th century, the most common Europe perception of Asia was that of an "immobile" society.
What had previously frequently been interpreted in a positive way as stability was now interpreted as an incapacity on the part of Asian societies to improve and progress in the same Europe was progressing. At the same time, it was acknowledged that many Asian countries had nonetheless achieved much in the past, with their high-level manufacturing, and technological and artistic traditions. An established school of thought in France, Great Britain, and Germany maintained that Asia was the cradle of civilization, from which science, philosophy and religious doctrines had been transferred to the West.
At the same time, Europeans believed that contemporary Asia was stagnant, and the economic and technological gap between Europe and Asia was widening, particularly in the case of those countries that refused to open their markets. New expressions entered the language of economics and general discourse, such as "stationary state" 22 , which was frequently applied to contemporary China.
One attempt to explain this supposed immobility discussed environmental and cultural causes. It was argued that, in the case of the Islamic countries and Confucian China, the combination of climate and religious beliefs had resulted in indolence, idleness and lack of initiative. However, the role of the physical environment was not considered to be of primary importance.
The perceived link between immobility, the absence of civil and political liberties, and the consequent lack of individual security in the case of contemporary Asian societies only confirmed European beliefs about the link between freedom, progress and civilization, as exemplified by contemporary Europe.
This form of Sinophobia became the prevalent attitude towards China in the late 18th century and vastly outweighed the Sinomania which had caused the "crisis of the European mind" 23 and the element of Enlightenment culture and thought which had a respect for well-administered monarchical government and nobility based on merit, as well as for the promotion of agriculture, of moral teachings as the basis of social intercourse, and of tolerance in religious matters.
Appreciation of Chinese civilization was often motivated by Christian scepticism. Chinese historical traditions based on recorded astronomical observations suggested a chronology of historical time that was incompatible with the bible and thus handed a powerful weapon to those in Europe who believed that the world was much older than the Judaic scriptures suggest.
Scepticism towards the Christian, and particularly the Catholic, view of world history, and advocacy of natural religion and of tolerance contributed to Sinomania. Sinomania was not only an intellectual trend; it manifested itself — perhaps more enduringly — in artistic tastes and material goods. The shift from Sinomania to Sinophobia was a change in intellectual attitudes, rather than a change in tastes in consumer goods.
Two circumstances, in particular, contributed to this change. The Society of Jesus was discredited by controversy and ultimately suppressed in As a result, the sympathetic attitude towards China and Chinese culture which had informed the writings of many Jesuit missionaries active in China decreased in influence. Prior to the suppression of the order, the Jesuits had originated a considerable volume of translations and original literature about Chinese civilization, which was aimed at accentuating the image of China as a powerful empire, thereby underlying the importance of their missionary activities there.
Together with the work of French academics like Nicolas Fréret — and Joseph de Guignes — , the Jesuits' study of the Chinese language and their collections of Chinese texts formed the basis of modern sinology in the West. The second circumstance promoting Sinophobia was the growing impatience of Great Britain and other European powers with the Chinese authorities' restrictions on European trade. British expansion and supremacy in India meant that the Chinese market could not remain closed and Britain and other European powers adopted a more forceful approach on the issue.
This growing impatience and antipathy towards China manifested itself more generally in European culture. Influential commentators such as Johann Gottfried Herder — , Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel — , Leopold von Ranke — , Alexis de Tocqueville — and John Stuart Mill — dispensed with sympathy for China and advocated a more forceful approach, such as the "gunboat diplomacy" of the s and s. In the meantime, the British defeat of the French in led to the start of direct British rule in north-eastern India, and to a more intensive study of, and interest in, India's past and present.
In order to be able to contribute to the debate on how India should be governed and to comment, as Edmund Burke did, on the misgovernment of the first decades of British administration, a more detailed knowledge of the country was necessary. India's past, Hindu civilization and religion, its ancient Muslim traditions, and its more recent history begun to be studied by the first generation of Sanskritists and scholars of Islamic law and culture, headed by William Jones — [ ]. Before becoming a pejorative term in the post-colonial era, "Orientalism" — an expression which came into use in the early 19th century — denoted the discovery of Oriental cultures by European academic and religious scholarship in the second half of the 17th century, and also the vogue for Oriental styles and subjects in European art and in European culture generally which began in the early 19th century.
The latter phenomenon was doubtlessly responsible for distorted representations of Oriental culture and society, which was often reduced to stereotypes of a fabulous, exotic, mysterious and sensual Orient. The contribution of the first wave of erudite Orientalism to subsequent scholarship should not, however, be underestimated. Among the scholars, travellers, and missionaries who participated in this first wave of Orientalism were Anquetil-Duperron, the French discoverer of the Avestic religion, translator in of the Zend-Avesta and critic of the theory of "Oriental despotism" in his Législation orientale of ; Joseph de Guignes, who did ground-breaking work on the ancient history of China and Central Asia; the British Orientalist Charles Wilkins — , who first translated the Bhagavad-Gita 24 ; and William Jones, the scholar of Hindu mythology, Vedic religion and ancient Hindu and Muslim law who translated the classical play Sakuntala 25 from Sanskrit and was the first to propose a common Asiatic source for many European languages.
Ancient legal codes, collections of sentences, edicts and ordinances were translated; institutional forms and administrative practices were studied. Agrarian relationships, land ownership patterns, and economic systems were better understood as they came under British rule.
The realization that many Asiatic societies possessed a regular administration of justice, protection of property rights, contracts and individual rights helped to undermine the Western prejudice of "Oriental despotism". The concept that modern Europeans, Asians, Africans and native Americans had a common Asiatic origin, as suggested by comparative linguistics, provided some with welcome evidence supporting the biblical narrative of creation. Orientalism and Christianity were thus by no means contradictory.
Sylvestre de Sacy — , Friederich Schlegel — , Henry Thomas Colebrooke — , Max Müller — and others continued scholarly research of the Orient in the 19th century. The discovery of Hinduism, Buddhism and the literary, religious and mythological Sanskrit traditions, as well as India's history, art and architecture, which resulted from British presence in India, continued to inspire enthusiasm and admiration among many Europeans throughout the 19th century. While many aspects of "Orientalism" are inextricably linked to British imperialism, it is nonetheless possible to discern a genuine scholarly Orientalist tradition, which cannot be dismissed as merely providing a justification for the imperialist and capitalist exploitation of Asia or as being coloured by power relationships.
It should also be noted that many Asian cultures underwent something of a rejuvenation or renaissance, as witnessed by the so-called Bengal renaissance of Rajah Ram Mohan Roy — and Rabindranath Tagore — and similar movements elsewhere, which sought to reconcile Asian tradition and Western modernizing influences. A distinct aspect of European discoveries and encounters with "otherness" is the transportation of non-Europeans to Europe and the West.
The presence of non-Europeans in Europe and the West in the early modern period is a broad and varied subject. It is possible to categorize these non-Europeans in a number of ways: Did they come voluntarily or were they brought by force like, for example, bondservants?
Did they move permanently like, for example, prisoners of war or temporarily? Did they travel to the West in a large group like colonial slaves or small group? Flows of migrants are an example of voluntary, large-scale and usually permanent movements of people. These flows were predominantly from Europe to elsewhere in the world for a long period, though this trend was reversed in the second half of the 20th century.
However, non-Europeans previously came to Europe as trainee interpreters, diplomatic envoys and religious converts. The often short-term sojourn of these native Americans, Asians and Africans played a considerable role in the formation of European images and concepts of the "other". From the very beginning of European exploration and expansion overseas, there was a widespread practice of seizing individuals, families, or groups belonging to "exotic" ethnic groups and transporting them to Europe.
They were captured and transported to be trained as interpreters the problem of linguistic communication was immediately recognized as crucial 27 ; to act as sources of information for officials, navigators and colonial entrepreneurs; and to receive a religious education, though these activities were frequently combined with temporary periods of servitude.
However, non-Europeans were often abducted merely as living samples of "otherness" and, conversely, as embodiments of European superiority and supremacy.
These people were frequently exhibited in "ceremonies of possession". This phenomenon has received increasing attention recently, particularly with regard to 19th century Europe and the United States, when such human exhibitions acquired a systematic, commercial and even scientific character. For many Europeans, these encounters were the only possibility of seeing representatives of non-European groups in the flesh.
However, the purposes and contexts of these abductions and encounters, as well as their effect on European perceptions of "otherness" varied from the 15th to the 20th centuries. It must also be noted that the practice of abducting members of other ethnic groups is by no means a purely European phenomenon. It was common among very many non-European people and, indeed, was in some cases a two-way process where Europeans and non-Europeans came into contact and conflict.
Recent research has provided much information about this phenomenon in early modern Britain and 19th and 20th century France, Britain and the USA. There are even cases of North American Indians being transported to 17th and 18th century France and Britain with the purpose of dazzling them with the splendour of the respective royal court and the military power of the respective realm, in order to gain their allegiance and loyalty in colonial conflicts.
An instructive connection can be made between these captives in early modern and modern Europe and the ceremonial practices of the ancient world, in particular the Roman "triumph". With its ritual public exhibition of the defeated barbarians, particularly chiefs, kings, generals and nobles, the triumph can be considered an antecedent and a source of inspiration for later exotic exhibitions. Native Americans defeated in conflict were indeed captured and dispatched as slaves to Europe from the first phase of discovery.
There are examples of North American Indian prisoners being taken as war trophies to England, and being subjected to the same treatment as Turkish prisoners displayed in parades in Italian and other European cities in the 16th century. But captives — there are also some examples of Native Americans travelling by consent — were also brought to Europe not as prisoners of war, but rather as curiosities.
Interest in these exotic people was partly an extension of the Renaissance impulse to catalogue, and thereby tame, the natural world, but the freak show or "cultural spectacles of the extraordinary body" 35 also provided the symbolic context of their reception. From the early 16th century, individuals, families and small groups of exotic people — Inuits, North American Indians, Lapps, Brazilians, etc.
However, the regular appearance of such "others" in European cities could not but have an effect on the common people's views on human diversity, though this is difficult to quantify. Exhibitions occurred at first almost exclusively during public ceremonies, at princely courts or in aristocratic mansions. Later on, they took place in marketplaces, taverns, coffee houses, theatres, showrooms and exhibitions halls, and at national and international industrial or colonial exhibitions, and subsequently became an aspect of the entertainment industry in the 19th and 20th centuries.
Engraved portraits, printed descriptions and subsequently also photographs of these presentations circulated widely, purporting to convey the physical appearance, clothes, artefacts, weapons and tools of these exotic "others". From the late 18th century, as European dominance of the non-European world increased further, representatives of a much more diverse range of ethnic groups began to arrive in Europe and the West as part of a more systematic commercial exploitation of the interest in them.
Not only Native Americans, but also Africans and Asians, began to be transported to Europe to adorn the temporary European museums of mankind. At the height of this vogue in the second half of the 19th century, they were taken on extensive tours, often lasting several months and visiting several countries. Purporting to show living "others" in their "native" dress, re-enacting their customary ways of life in reconstructions of their "natural" environment, these "human zoos" with their "black villages" were not only a form of entertainment, but a public enactment of the perceived superiority of the white race as reflected in the backwardness of "savages".
Notwithstanding the occasional protests of humanitarian, religious or political associations, French anthropologists and ethnologists in 19th century established the practice of studying living people as though they were insouciant beings, photographing, measuring and classifying them by physical traits. From the late 15th century, when the first "savages" were transported to Europe, to the first decades of the 20th century, when exotic people were a regular feature in colonial and imperial exhibitions, many aspects of this phenomenon changed.
In the meantime, however, an industry had come into being to exploit European interest in "savage" and exotic humans. Capitalist entrepreneurs like the German wild animal importer Carl Hagenbeck — [ ] and the American impresario Phyneas T. Barnum — [ ] transformed ancient practices of freak or alien exhibition into a large-scale commercial entertainment industry in the age of leisure, mass entertainment and consumerism.
Ethnic shows were much more diverse and their audiences considerably larger. The phenomenon of the "professional savages" eventually emerged with members of ethnic groups entering contractual or quasi-contractual agreements to appear as warriors, hunters, horsemen and dancers in ethnic shows.
What did not to change, however, was the core ideological message conveyed by such spectacles: These ethnic exhibitions afforded the opportunity to a Western mass audience to personally encounter human "otherness" and to realize how remote it was from European civilization.
The sense of dislocation, as well as cruel and degrading treatment, meant that the lot of the human exhibits was frequently a miserable one. Even after death, many were denied the dignity of being treated like human beings, as their corpses were handed over to comparative anatomists and others for further study and display.
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New Cambridge Modern History: The Renaissance —, Cambridge Thomson, Rosemary Garland ed.